
Authors:
- Arvind Krishendeholl, a researcher in the Department of Political Science at the University of Toronto.
- Luisa Sotomayor, an associate professor and the Director of the City Institute at 91亚色.
- Roger Keil, a professor in the Faculty of聽Environmental and Urban Change at 91亚色.
May 9, 2024
In a tumultuous end to 2023 in municipal politics in Ontario, the Ford government鈥檚 abrupt decision to聽聽the Regional Municipality of Peel 鈥 as outlined in Bill 112 鈥 has reignited debate on the guiding values, procedures and effectiveness of the province鈥檚 decision-making process.
While most of the discussion has focused on public accusations by elected leaders of the move being a 鈥.鈥 the voices of residents across Ontario鈥檚聽聽鈥 who rely heavily on these upper-tier regional municipalities to provide essential human services such as housing and health care 鈥 seem to be forgotten.
Government transparency and public participation are essential components of effective policymaking. The provincial government set up a process that created little room for listening to the region鈥檚 residents or organizations such as the聽, a collaborative of more than 100 non-profits across the municipalities of Mississauga, Brampton and Caledon.
Metamorphosis serves as a central voice for the community services sector and those it serves, raising awareness about the importance of regional services such as housing and health supports, particularly for a community that has been聽聽by the province for years.
The network鈥檚 advocacy efforts include聽聽at provincial, municipal and regional government meetings, as well as working with partners to host community events such as a Mississauga聽, organized in collaboration with United Way Greater Toronto, Sheridan College and the Mississauga Board of Trade
Flip-flop decision-making hurts communities
Equally alarming, it appears that the Ontario government聽聽on the financial impact before announcing its earlier decision to dissolve Peel Region.
This apparent lack of evidence-based policies and public engagement is a common theme for this government 鈥 leading to its聽聽of flip-flops on issues such as the聽, use of the聽聽and most recently the聽.
Each was ostensibly driven by聽聽aimed at various constituencies of traditional Progressive Conservative support in business and society. The province鈥檚 about-faces on each of these issues led to large-scale protests, resistance and sometimes ridicule in civic and professional sectors ranging from environment to urban planning.
The resulting uncertainties have been particularly taxing on communities and organizations that have endured systemic uncertainty during the pandemic and the polycrises that followed. But the confusion has also been a bone of contention for conventional supporters in the premier鈥檚 assumed聽.
The adoption of 鈥渄e facto鈥 policy decisions detached from rigorous analysis (e.g., problem identification, community consultation, policy analysis and evidence-based design) oversimplifies complex problems in some of Ontario鈥檚 most dynamic and diverse communities.
Apart from being聽, this style of management also sets a dangerous precedent because it undermines the vital democratic autonomy of city-level governments.
When asked about the rationale behind the government鈥檚 change in suddenly deciding to keep the Peel Region, the premier stated he is 鈥溾 and added that the policy reversals that have existed throughout his tenure are a 鈥済ood thing.鈥
Despite his positive self-assessment, these turbulent shifts in policy have led to a period marked by uncertainty, ignoring the fact that when decisions of this magnitude are made, actors at both the bureaucratic and community levels are forced into action 鈥 rallying their time, resources and expertise to find solutions to potentially mitigate the impact of such rushed policies.
The Metamorphosis Network typifies the pivotal role that community groups play time and time again, such as when聽聽proved to be powerful in responding to the needs of marginalized and racialized communities during the COVID-19 pandemic.
The significance of public consultations
When Bill 112 was unveiled, confusion emerged across policy and community circles about why public consultations were avoided, especially considering the extreme swiftness with which the government had previously intended to move to break up Peel Region.
This lack of public consultation was also noted in the auditor general鈥檚 2023聽聽after three provincial ministries 鈥 Municipal Affairs and Housing; Environment, Conservation and Parks; and Natural Resources and Forestry 鈥 violated the聽听(1993).
That legislation was designed to hold the government accountable when making policies related to the environment. Yet the process of making decisions such as the Greenbelt and housing framework failed to provide the public with complete information or to solicit feedback regarding the sweeping changes.
As students of planning would know, 鈥.鈥 Seeking public input throughout the policymaking process is essential in framing evidence, allocating public resources fairly, and directing solutions to balance short- and long-term goals, all while emphasizing the voices of those most likely to be affected by government decisions.
Since at least the 1960s, urban planning and policy scholars, as well as government practitioners, have recognized the value of expanding the depth and breadth of public participation to make it a more inclusive, meaningful and ongoing endeavour.
Though still imperfect and contested, Ontario鈥檚 community consultation process before Ford at least sought the involvement of community members and stakeholders who are now often excluded from the process
An example is Ontario鈥檚 legal duty to consult with First Nations and M茅tis communities 鈥 a process that is no longer as rigorous under the聽
Participatory exercises help ensure that decision-makers adequately consider the heterogeneous views and needs of diverse societal groups.
This interaction enhances the scrutiny and examination of proposed policy solutions by utilizing public engagement methods such as citizen focus groups, workshops, surveys, town halls and community meetings. Such activities not only lead to more informed government actions but also signal healthy democratic governance.
From alienated suburbs to self-defining urban democratic communities
For those who care and those who are affected by the Ontario government鈥檚 most recent chapter in opaque decision-making, the problem is not just the lack of transparency and accountability. Two further issues came to the fore in 2023.
First, the provincial government continues to treat municipalities like dependent administrative departments instead of thriving local democratic institutions that deserve to be taken seriously in their own right and on their own behalf. The 鈥渓ocal state鈥 should be more than an appendix of provincial politics and urban democracy should be more than a bureaucratic exercise.
Some scholars聽聽that the latter 鈥渄epends on spaces in which it can be practised and learned not in the abstract but in the actual material world.鈥澛犔共曰逄its partners in academia聽and the broader community are such a practice and learning space for local democracy that deserves to be expanded, relied upon and nurtured by provincial politicians.
Secondly, the provincial government continues a tired policy of treating any GTA municipality that is not Toronto as a suburban residential community.
This undersells the real and potential urban spaces that have grown around the core. It is a mistake to continue thinking of cities such as Markham, Vaughan, Brampton and Mississauga as suburbs first and cities later.
In fact, the issues they face that have come into full relief in a polycrisis, post-pandemic world are urban issues and need to be treated as such. Municipalities around Toronto now incorporate the wants and needs of hundreds of thousands 鈥 in some cases, approaching a million 鈥 residents, students and workers.
Their vitality and future is urban not suburban, complex not simple, one of citizens not just taxpayers, and one of active, self-defining democratic communities, not just administrative units of the provincial government.
The pandemic response showed Ontarians that urban governance is unimaginable without transparency and democratic participation. Of particular importance in this context is the tight and diverse network of community organizations and daily democratic practices that make life in the city livable.
It is about time the province learns that lesson and listens to its changing urban publics.
