Residents of Los Angeles will need to get used to federally controlled National Guard troops operating on their streets. Due to a ruling from an appeals court on June 19, United States President Donald Trump now has to deploy military forces in American cities.

This is a troubling development. All presidents have held in their grasp extraordinary powers to deploy military troops domestically. But Trump stands apart with his apparent keen interest in manufacturing false emergencies to exploit extraordinary power.

An 1878 law called the restricts using the military for domestic law enforcement. The being challenged by Trump’s actions in L.A. is the norm of the military not being allowed to interfere in the affairs of civilian governance.

Injunctions and appeals

Five months into Trump’s presidency, L.A. has been targeted for aggressive immigration enforcement. In their pluralistic city where dozens of languages and nationalities peacefully co-exist, .

On June 7, Trump acted under to of California’s National Guard. Federalized military forces were deployed.

The objective was to counter what Trump argued against the authority of the government of the United States. In fact, these “rebellions” were largely in downtown L.A.

On June 9, the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California granted an in L.A. The court order supported Gov. Gavin Newsom’s contention that Trump overstepped his authority.

On June 19, a decision from a panel of judges at the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit .

What this means at the moment is that Trump does not have to return control of the troops to Newsom. California has by asking the Federal Appeals Court to rehear the matter, or perhaps directly asking the U.S. Supreme Court to intervene.

Moving toward authoritarianism

facilitating his move to overrule Newsom’s authority and seize control of 2,000 National Guard troops was based on the president defining his own so-called emergency.

incidents of violence and disorder following aggressive immigration enforcement amounted to a form of rebellion against the U.S.

As Trump flexes his emergency power might, his second term has been called the . He has used extraordinary emergency powers at a pace well beyond his predecessors, pressing the limits to address his administration’s supposed sense of serious perils overtaking the nation.

Issues arise when the level of actual danger locally is not at all representative of what the president suggests is a full-scale national emergency. For example, in L.A.’s huge metropolitan area. A Los Angeles-based rebellion against the U.S. was not occurring.

As dissent over aggressive immigration enforcement actions grew, localized clashes with law enforcement did occur. , where neighbouring California law enforcement agencies acted to assist one another. The law enforcement challenges never rose to the level of the governor of California requesting additional federal support.

Shortly after the federal government took over the California National Guard, .

In addition to to amass power, is a characteristic of authoritarian rulers. Creating fear, division and feelings of insecurity can lead to community crises. Trump did not need to wait for a crisis;

No guardrails

The expression “” comes to mind as Trump inches closer to invoking the . If so, the situation will to what is happening now in Los Angeles.

Five years ago, Trump during , in and around Lafayette Park.

As recent L.A. protests intensified, : “We’re going to have troops everywhere.”

Currently, there are few guardrails in place to prevent a rogue president from misusing the military in domestic civilian affairs. Trump about whether he would tap into the greater powers available to him under the Insurrection Act.

Real emergencies presenting do persist. Nuclear proliferation, climate change and pandemics need serious leaders. But politically exploiting last-resort emergency laws designed to provide options to deal with genuine existential threats — not to weaponize them against protesters demonstrating against public policy — is absurd.

By Associate Professor of Disaster and Emergency Management , 91��ɫ

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Prime Minister Mark Carney is headed to Washington, D.C., for a high-stakes meeting as the American president continues his trade war and annexation threats against Canada.

“We are meeting as heads of our government,” . “I am not pretending those discussions will be easy.”

The White House visit comes just a week after Carney led the Liberals to their .

It was a result that, at first blush, allowed each party to claim that it won, or at least that it did not totally lose. That sets up a Parliamentary session that will feature several interesting dynamics.

The Conservatives under Pierre Poilievre , though Poilievre himself lost his seat.

The NDP under an outgoing Jagmeet Singh managed to hold onto the balance of power in the upcoming minority Parliament for a third consecutive time. Elizabeth May continues to represent the Green Party in the House of Commons. Yves-François Blanchet kept the Bloc Québécois relevant for voters in Québec.

Even Justin Trudeau, no longer in politics, won — his legacy is not in the gutter due to a predicted Conservative majority win that never materialized once Carney replaced him.

But in the coming weeks and months, the leaders and their parties face difficult circumstances that could turn them into losers — most importantly, how Carney manages the relationship with Trump.

The role of Trump

Carney and the Liberals driven by Donald Trump’s trade war and threats to make Canada the 51st state. Winning four consecutive elections .
But Carney cannot count on fortune continuing to smile upon him. He must now manage a party within which he has little history and few favours to call in — a party that he has dragged from centre-left under Trudeau to centre-right.

The new prime minister will have to rely on aides and advisers to a much greater extent than all former office-holders who had years or decades of experience in the political area, including the House of Commons. At the same time, he will have to demonstrate to Canadians that he is in charge and makes the final decisions.

Invariably, there will be Liberal missteps in the weeks ahead: ethical lapses for some MPs, ministerial appointments that go awry and disappointment among those not appointed to cabinet. Because Carney has been prime minister for less than two months, the upcoming on May 27 — — that sets the government’s goals is shrouded in mystery.

Beyond Ottawa, premiers from several different political parties — each with their own agenda — await Carney. South of the border, the unpredictable Trump, with his infuriating rhetoric and disruptive actions, is in office for another three-and-half-years.

As a newcomer to politics elected on his first attempt to the country’s highest political office, Carney could have at least have one topic of conversation in common with . Trump too was a political outsider who catapulted into office on his first attempt. The two may find some bond in their shared experience.

The greatest danger for Carney is not from Trump’s rhetoric but from broader economic conditions. He ran for office on the promise of being able to manage economic turmoil. But politicians of any stripe have little control in a global economic slump or an all-out tariff war. , Carney will quickly lose his lustre among many Canadians.

The new Parliament

For the Conservatives, Poilievre’s leadership will continue to weigh on the party in the weeks and months ahead. Losing his Ottawa seat weakens his claim to stay on as leader. He now needs to win a byelection in Alberta .

The worst outcome for the party is years of infighting between those who support giving Poilievre one more chance and those who believe that 2025 is the best the party can do under his leadership.

The best outcome is for Poilievre to become a bridge-builder within the party and to Conservatives across Canada, and to rebrand himself to be more palatable to Canadian voters. This will not be easy and .

The NDP’s Singh has already announced his resignation and accepted responsibility for the party electing only seven MPs. leading to a leadership contest has already started. The loss of seats, and returning to Ottawa with an interim leader, lessens the voice of the party in political discourse. If a new leader is elected who is not an MP, the party will be further hampered.

The Greens remain in the House of Commons, but as a party of one. The jury continues is out on whether the party can exist without its leader, Elizabeth May, .

Blanchet returns to Ottawa with fewer Bloc MPs and a murky mission. He had hoped that the Bloc would hold the balance of power once the votes were counted, but was foiled by the NDP. He has already faced criticism from his own supporters when he promised to to secure Canada’s economic future.

Beginning with Carney’s handling of Trump this week, how skilfully each party, and leader, performs its distinct high-wire act in the next few months will determine the ultimate winners and losers. The show is about to begin.

By Professor Thomas Klassen, School of Public Policy and Administration, 91��ɫ

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Canada’s trade and economic policies have been thrown into a state of chaos in the weeks following United States President-elect Donald Trump’s on Canadian and Mexican exports to the U.S.

The federal government is now suffering an internal crisis with of Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland. Canada’s provincial premiers, led by Ontario’s Doug Ford, have responded by emerging from a recent meeting asserting their in terms of trade and foreign policy.

Unfortunately, the provinces are too fragmented and divided among themselves to provide effective and co-ordinated responses to Trump without federal leadership.

This point was highlighted by Ford’s efforts to present a united front on behalf of his fellow provincial leaders. He found himself promptly when he threatened to cut off energy exports to the U.S. if the Trump administration followed through on its tariff threats.

Improvised and contradictory responses will do nothing but encourage Trump to continue to engage in these sorts of threats and behaviours. That point has been by members of Trump’s previous administration.

Canada now needs to use its substantial negotiating assets against Trump given his threat represents a of the United States-Mexico-Canada (USMCA) trade deal and previous trade agreements between the U.S. and Canada.

These accords were designed, from Canada’s perspective, to prevent the U.S. from engaging in precisely the sort of unilateral trade action that Trump is now threatening.

Canada’s energy advantage

Central to that understanding had been the concept that Canada would guarantee the U.S. access to its energy resources. In exchange, the Americans consented to a formal and binding dispute resolution mechanism when trade disputes arise, and agreed not to engage in unilateral trade actions.

Because to the U.S., this provides an obvious leverage point.

Canada’s position in this regard has actually been reinforced by the previous Trump administration’s actions. The original 1988 and the 1994 (NAFTA) contained provisions guaranteeing American access to Canadian energy on an equal basis with Canadian consumers.

Trump agreed to remove these provisions from the USMCA. This has handed Canada an important energy bargaining chip in dealing with a second Trump presidency.

Where Ford was right — and wrong

Ford may have had the right idea in on Canadian energy exports to the U.S. in retaliation for Trump’s tariffs. But he was too direct in his approach, and his suggestion of outright export bans was by his fellow premiers.

Ford’s idea was even impractical for his own province. Ontario’s electricity exports to the U.S. are relatively modest and essentially transactional. Trade with neighbouring states and provinces is necessary for the management of Ontario’s own electricity grid.

Specifically, there are times when Ontario electricity, sometimes at “negative” prices, meaning the province has to pay its neighbours to take electricity off its hands. This has been the case especially when the output from Ontario’s inflexible nuclear power plants exceeds the province’s grid demand and needs somewhere to go.

That said, because Trump’s threats violate the foundations that have defined the Canada-U.S. trade over the past four decades, a response in the area of energy would be justified and strategic.

But rather than imposing direct export restrictions on Canada energy exports, a smarter approach could involve the threat of on Canadian exports of energy and other resources to the U.S. Such charges would significantly increase energy and other costs for Americans.

An export charge could be applied directly by the federal government. That would bypass the objections of provincial premiers and impose some unity on Canada’s approach.

Engaging American states

Canada’s premiers would be smarter to focus on engaging with their sub-national counterparts in neighbouring states rather than conducting their own freelance diplomacy.

In particular, they should encourage the governors of Great Lakes states to emphasize to the incoming administration and congressional representatives the extent to which Trump’s proposed tariffs would do as much harm to their economies as they would to Canada’s.

Ford is particularly well-positioned to engage in this sort of province-to-state diplomacy. The level of integration between Ontario’s vehicle manufacturing sector and the manufacturing economies of the now states around the Great Lakes mean that Trump’s tariffs would be enormously disruptive to their economies as well.

At the national level, Canada needs to recognize that the assumptions that have underpinned the Canada-U.S. trade relationship for the past 40 years are in the .

If Canada is to avoid simply offering itself up as a fragmented and compliant American resource colony, it needs to formulate a strategy that leverages its assets, particularly energy.

Canada also needs to strengthen . Whether Canada’s federal and provincial leaders are up to these tasks remains an open question.

Mark Winfield is a professor in the Faculty of Environmental and Urban Change, 91��ɫ

This article is republished from . 

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, Republicans flipped the Senate, likely tightened their grip on the House of Representatives and .

The so-called rolled in two years later, and the MAGA movement is now the dominant force in American politics.

Trump has an unprecedented mandate to reshape American life and politics, and is the first Republican to win the since 2004. He intends to be an activist and transformative president. Now Americans and the rest of the world must brace for the global fallout in Ukraine, Russia, China, Israel and Iran.

According to the , more than 71 million of Trump’s followers stayed loyal to the MAGA movement despite , and .

Trump won the presidency with the help of blue-collar, middle-class voters in the vital centre of the political spectrum, and in open defiance of the political establishment and most political power brokers.

Weak centre

What does Trump’s comeback mean for his unique brand of nationalist authoritarianism?

Trump’s victory shows just how weak and lacklustre the centre has become in comparison to surging extremism. The silent majority that once rallied to support Ronald Reagan’s popular agenda, for example, is now a seemingly amoral majority indifferent to Trump’s felonies and his apocalyptic vision for the country.

It’s now clear that the is smaller than ever. Voters on the left were dismayed about Kamala Harris’s support for Benjamin Netanyahu’s government in Israel. Some planned not to vote or candidates.

What’s more, Republicans have been courting working class and racialized voters for years, and their messaging is paying off. Chipping away small numbers of and voters is adding up to .

‘Make extremism great again’

The Republican machine has grasped an essential truth: parties must redefine their centre of gravity with the shifting of the of political acceptability, which holds that the centre is not fixed forever; it is simply a gauge of the new extremes.

After a decade of the upheaval Trump has fuelled, mainstreaming extremism has become a proven formula for winning elections. The most basic question emphasized by the Trump-Harris showdown was: Can defeat ?

In America in 2024, it could not.

After 1945, the centre referred to the vast number of voters who rejected while embracing the welfare state and full-employment capitalism.

This middle “” — sought by politicians from Tony Blair to Barack Obama — won repeated elections. But today, the centre has been eclipsed by loyalty to a charismatic leader.

When the extremes cease to be red lines, reasonable parties can only intermittently eke out a win. That means extremist movements grow ever stronger. What will happen in four years is anyone’s guess. But even after Trump is gone, he will live on atop the conservative pantheon, having risen to even greater esteem among his supporters than Reagan or , the Republican senator who became a conservative standard-bearer for a generation.

Negative voting

The American election turned on negative voting. The only real question was whose fear would carry the day?

Democrats feared the loss of for women. Republicans feared immigration conspiracy theories such as “” theory.

Republicans made border security a successful culture war issue, and it will unquestionably loom even larger in future elections. Gallup has shown that 55 per cent of Americans now want immigration levels , a significant rise from 41 per cent just last year.

The United States is not alone. What began as anger over Syrian refugees in Germany has metastasized into an enormous . Anti-immigration sentiment is on the rise .

The rise of anti-immigration sentiment

Future Republican contenders will almost certainly be avowed opponents of immigration given Trump’s stunning comeback. He leveraged the issue at a time when immigrants and border security have become powerful symbols of the enormous changes brought about by globalization.

Zygmunt Bauman, the late eminent Polish sociologist, has described the technological advancement that defines global capitalism as “.”

He argues that constant change . The blue-collar middle class is not worse off in absolute terms, but they’re as the billionaire class surges ahead and governments fail to protect the traditional institutions of the welfare state.

For Trump voters, the “” was the most potent narrative for the MAGA coalition. Xenophobia was on during the closing days of the campaign when a comedian at Trump’s Madison Square Garden rally referred to Puerto Rico as an “.”

The full force of liquid modernity continues to degrade the institutions of advanced societies and to reward rule-breakers. It’s not hyperbole to suggest this election could transform both America and the post-war .

A dark MAGA future

One primary takeaway from this election is that an even darker, more apocalyptic form of the MAGA movement has taken hold. At a recent rally, Elon Musk, the world’s richest man, : “I’m not just MAGA, I’m dark MAGA.”

In Trump’s warped view, an electoral loss would have been proof of cheating, but a win is a triumph of the will. In America today, conspiracy theories seemingly attract votes.

It’s hard to underestimate the impact of Trump’s toxicity on American civic life. With his new mandate, Trump has a green light to implement most, if not all, of his most extreme policies, from tariffs to cementing an absolutist approach to presidential power.

Trump has already promised to prosecute “” his political enemies. He has threatened to use American troops to round up 15 million undocumented immigrants. It is his stated intent to exercise enormous presidential privilege by pardoning the “patriots” who stormed the capital in January 2021 “.”

It is far from certain that the American constitutional order will survive intact.

By 91��ɫ Professor Emeritus Daniel Drache, Department of Politics, and Professor of Political Science Marc D. Froese, founding director, International Studies Program, Burman University.

This article is republished from the Conversation Canada.

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On the afternoon of Sept. 15, Donald Trump was playing golf at the  in West Palm Beach, Fla., . Secret Service agents opened fire when an agent noticed someone pointing a rifle in the bushes at the golf course; .

The FBI deemed the incident , who was . The Republican presidential candidate was not injured in this latest assassination attempt. The July 13 assassination attempt in Butler, Pa., .

Back-to-back assassination attempts on American presidents are not unprecedented. Gerald Ford survived  in September 1975. Trump has now survived two assassination attempts within 64 days of each other.

With this second act of political violence directed towards Trump, a deeper look at assassination attempts is needed to begin to interpret this troubling turn of events.

Emerging details

The details of the second assassination attempt on Trump draws our attention to the characteristics of the alleged suspect.

Using witness information, the accused suspect, . Routh is a 58-year-old with ties to North Carolina and Hawaii and a .  possession of a firearm by a convicted felon and possession of a firearm with an obliterated serial number.

In 1997, the U.S. Secret Service published , that analyzed previous assassination attempts. It provided key questions for security personnel to consider when attempting to understand attacks on public officials.

One question posed in the monograph is: “Were there key life events and patterns in the histories of persons who have directed violence towards public officials?”

Findings from Preventing Assassination indicated that critical life events of assassins included experiences with an accident or illness, a loss of relationship, a failure in an endeavour or a loss of status.

In this latest attempt, the alleged assassin appears to have a documented history of his failed effort to fight in Ukraine. Routh had also reportedly been involved  that had led to him being ordered to pay tens of thousands of dollars to plaintiffs.

In February 2023, Routh self-published a book titled . And in March 2023, he was interviewed by The New 91��ɫ Times for an article with the headline “.”CNN takes a look at Ryan Wesley Routh, who allegedly attempted to assassinate Trump.

Politics as warfare

The bigger picture of an apparent second assassination attempt on Trump is how people who are attracted to extremes of political thought feel enabled by the current American political environment.

The evident normalization of political violence can be related to the strong polarization of U.S. voters. A 2022 study by  on the  suggested that a growing number of Americans have come to see politics as a form of warfare. In such circumstances, elections are viewed as contests between the forces of good and evil.

That sentiment was echoed on the third anniversary of the Jan. 6 insurrection, when . He said: “You can’t have a contest if you see politics as an all-out war instead of a peaceful way to resolve our differences. All-out war is what Trump wants.”

, published in 2015 by the United States Military Academy Combating Terrorism Center, provides some needed perspective on the relationship between political polarization and assassinations.

The study suggests that elections are more effective and peaceful after ensuring the most intense political grievances have been addressed. Unresolved intense political grievances have the potential to instigate further violence, including assassination attempts on politicians.

Bracing for an October surprise

In American politics, the expression “” describes “, upending a presidential election.

Given the trajectory of this 2024 presidential election season, an October surprise related to political violence could unduly influence electoral outcomes.

Trump politicized the first assassination attempt  and his campaign . Some of Trump’s allies, including his running mate, JD Vance, have suggested that the July assassination attempt was the .

Given that there have been two apparent assassination attempts on the Republican presidential candidate, political violence has become a defining characteristic of the 2024 election. It is no longer hyperbolic thinking to consider that an October surprise may involve another assassination attempt.

By Associate Professor Jack L. Rozdilsky, Disaster and Emergency Management, 91��ɫ

This article is republished from .

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Donald Trump  for 

Prior to Trump’s arrival on the American political stage, such  would have probably immediately . That’s seemingly no longer the case as the Republican party once again places their hopes in Trump to win the White House in November.

This latest Trump smear takes place as public trust in government is declining  and the . Justin Trudeau is the first prime minister to . Trump is the first .

Unethical behaviour by elected officials knows no borders or party lines. In both Canada and the U.S., pivotal elections are looming that will determine the political landscape for the remainder of the decade. In those upcoming elections, does running an ethical campaign still matter for politicians seeking their country’s highest office?

 involve political campaigns adhering to the principles of honesty, integrity and transparency, and assisting the electorate in making informed decisions. Unethical campaigning undermines public trust, fosters confusion, sows division, amplifies cynicism and leads to negative sentiments about government.

There are four practices candidates can implement to ensure they conduct an ethical campaign.

1. Avoid mudslinging

Campaign civility has shifted in the Trump era. Dirty campaigning, which includes tactics like name-calling, belittling opponents and incivility, is becoming de rigueur.

In July, Trump — notorious for his &�Բ�����;—&�Բ�����;. Less than a month later, the Republican presidential nominee  against her during a Pennsylvania rally.

At the 2024 Democratic National Convention, Barack and Michelle Obama took personal jabs at Trump, with Barack Obama even  to insinuate that Trump’s fixation on small crowd sizes was related to the size of his genitalia.

If voters consider ethics important, they’d do well to consider how often candidates resort to tactics like name-calling and incivility. At the same time, the mudslinging cycle is hard to stop. Some observers liked that the Obamas stopped  and believe the Democrats need to 

2. Prioritize truth

At the 2024 Democratic and , Trump and Harris were fact-checked multiple times for false statements.

Trump has become the master of repeating untrue statements so often that his audiences start to believe his lies. After the results of the 2020 election, the former president repeatedly spread false claims about voter fraud and a stolen election, .

In an age of short messages sent over social media, with great competition for eyeballs, the more outrageous statements will garner attention.

The dissemination of misinformation erodes trust in campaigns and election outcomes, while distorting the knowledge needed for informed policy debate. Misinformation makes it difficult for voters to make an informed choice at the ballot box.

3. Clarity over confusion

Ambiguity on contentious policy issues, through vague or mixed statements by candidates, can be an effective strategy in some circumstances. While this kind of rhetoric has some upside, it poses risks to transparency and trust.

Voters can become cynical and distrustful of grandiose promises and lazy slogans, ultimately eroding public confidence in democratic processes. Prioritizing clarity and honesty will result in greater voter trust and uphold democratic integrity.

4. Transparent campaign financing

The 2024 U.S. presidential election campaign has already seen megadonors pour in billions of dollars. The  have already contributed US$1.5 billion to political action committees and other interest groups supporting candidates on both sides.

Critics have argued that the growing disconnect between politicians and their constituents is partly due to . In the U.S., .

So-called  — political action committees — can only finance independent expenditures and independent political activity. The funds do not go to political candidates, which raises serious concerns about transparency.

These committees can raise unlimited amounts from individuals, corporations and unions to overtly advocate for or against candidates. The result is that voters are not sure whose interest political candidates seek to serve.

 regarding political financing are essential to the integrity of political campaigns. Candidates who disclose the source of campaign funding minimize conflicts of interest and reduce the risk of being captured by special interests.

What's next

If behaving morally still matters to those running for office, and to voters, then adopting ethical campaign practices that align with civility, transparency, honesty and integrity is a step in the right direction.

If campaign ethics no longer matter, the U.S. and Canada will face more contested elections, greater political division and further erosion of trust in politicians.

By Professor Thomas Klassen, School of Public Policy and Administration, 91��ɫ, and Matthew Cerilli, Bachelor of Arts with Honours, Political Science, 91��ɫ '24

This article is republished from .

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TORONTO, July 17, 2024 – Has the uproar around mail-in voting in the United States trumped how Canadians view the practice here? Researchers at 91��ɫ have found former U.S. president Donald Trump’s negative rhetoric around the practice of mail-in ballots as fraud prone and untrustworthy has had clear effect in this country.

“It is already a well-established fact that Trump has impacted voters’ view and behaviour in the U.S., but what was less known until now was whether that effect crossed the border into Canada,” says Associate Professor , lead author of the paper. “We wanted to know if holding populist, right-winged views helped determine the level of trust someone had in mail-in votes and what role political media exposure played.”

The study, , found that those holding populist views across Canada, especially right-wing in nature, were more likely to have been influenced by rhetoric south of the border and to now distrust voting by mail.

Wu, 91��ɫ Research Chair in Political Sociology of Health, along with Associate Professor Andrew Dawson, both with the Faculty of Liberal Arts and Professional Studies at 91��ɫ, analyzed data from the 2021 Canadian Election Study. It showed that the “Trump effect” had infiltrated Canadian’s views of mail-in voting.

The researchers were curious about any potential impact given the last federal election this country in 2021 generated the highest number of mail-in votes of any other election since 1993, when mail-in voting by special ballot was expanded to every Canadian at home or abroad. In the U.S., the practice dates back to the Civil War, a time when soldiers were allowed to vote from the battlefield.

In 2019, Elections Canada received about 55,000 mail-in ballots, but that shot up by more than 10 times that amount in 2021, during the pandemic, to a recording setting around 700,000. In the U.S. during the 2020 presidential election, almost half of voters, some 43 per cent, mailed their ballots. That’s also the year, Trump and some other republicans began a campaign to discredit mail-in voting saying it could lead to fraud and a “rigged election”.

“Prior to that, mail-in voting wasn’t politicized,” says Wu. “Although none of the political parties tried to delegitimize voting by mail in Canada, Canadians likely follow U.S. news more closely than other countries and are more prone to being influenced.”

The study found a significant amplifying effect regardless of where Canadians got their news from, which affected their perceptions of the electoral system in this country and its legitimacy. The higher the level of news consumption, the more Canadians were divided in terms of how they see mail-in voting. Those who held right wing populist views and also followed news closely, show the least trust in voting by mail. The media amplification effect is less significant in French-speaking Quebec, indicating the impact of U.S. media outlets.

This despite the Canadian electoral system being less prone to partisan politics than in the U.S. as federal elections here are run by Elections Canada, a single, non-partisan electoral management body. Even so, suspicion south of the border can still create doubt around elections in this country.

“Even though there is almost no evidence to suggest mail-in ballots are fraudulent or lead to fraud, the mere suggestion is enough to shake people’s belief in the practice,” says Wu.

“It’s not surprising that it received a lot of media attention worldwide, including in Canada. We found strong evidence of a ‘Trump effect’ here with a clear negative association between Trump’s views and a lack of trust in mail-in ballot voting. Perceptions of electoral integrity matter. Sowing the seeds of electoral mistrust through false claims can have real effects.”

The researchers found a distrust in mail-in ballots was more apparent in Alberta than in the rest of Canada.

The research was published today in the peer-reviewed Oxford University Press journal Public Opinion Quarterly.

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Media Expert Advisory: 91��ɫ U expert available to comment on Trump Administration rollback of Obama guidelines on transgender washrooms

TORONTO, February 23, 2017 –The Trump administration has rolled back federal protections for transgender students that would allow them to use bathrooms and locker rooms matching their gender identities. The protections implemented under the Obama administration were positive developments toward inclusion, whereas the Trump administration’s refusal to support and move toward transgender inclusion leaves many people without legal protections. The previous administration implemented federal guidelines to make schools more inclusive. By lifting those federal guidelines, the Trump administration is allowing states and school districts to interpret anti-discrimination law instead.

91��ɫ has a longstanding program of creating and maintaining gender neutral washrooms from as early as the 1980’s. 91��ɫ has a for students, faculty and staff about gender identity and gender expression, which includes tips on how to use inclusive language.

Professor in the Department of Sociology in the Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies is an expert in gender, sexuality and transgender studies and is available to comment on the transgender protections in the US with a focus on the following:

- Could Trump's rollback of protections impact transgender rights and values in Canada?

- Will this reversal impact the progress made on transgender rights or values in the US?

- Will his leadership add to the stigma and fear in the transgender communities?

- How could this change impact positive gender conversations in the classroom on both sides of the border?

- How far have we come in growing the understanding of gender diversity in society as a whole?

is known for championing new ways of thinking that drive teaching and research excellence. Our students receive the education they need to create big ideas that make an impact on the world. Meaningful and sometimes unexpected careers result from cross-discipline programming, innovative course design and diverse experiential learning opportunities. 91��ɫ students and graduates push limits, achieve goals and find solutions to the world’s most pressing social challenges, empowered by a strong community that opens minds. 91��ɫ U is an internationally recognized research university – our 11 faculties and 26 research centres have partnerships with 200+ leading universities worldwide. Located in Toronto, 91��ɫ is the third largest university in Canada, with a strong community of 53,000 students, 7,000 faculty and administrative staff, and more than 295,000 alumni. 91��ɫ U's fully bilingual Glendon campus is home to Southern Ontario's Centre of Excellence for French Language and Bilingual Postsecondary Education.

Media Contact:
Anjum Nayyar, 91��ɫ Media Relations, 416-736-2100 ext. 44543/anayyar@yorku.ca

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TORONTO, November 11, 2016 – During Donald Trump’s campaign, he and his running partner Mike Pence spoke openly on their stance on LGBTQ issues and many fear the new administration may work to repeal some of the legislative progress made with the Marriage Equality Act and anti-discrimination laws.

Professor in the Department of Sociology in the Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies is an expert in gender and sexuality studies and is available to comment on this issue with a focus on the following:

- Has Trump's negative rhetoric left an impact on the Canadian LGBTQ community?

- Will the Trump presidency impact the progress made on transgender rights or values?

- Will his leadership add to the stigma and fear in the transgender and LGBTQ communities?

- Can Trump's values impact how marriage equality is viewed?

is known for championing new ways of thinking that drive teaching and research excellence. Our students receive the education they need to create big ideas that make an impact on the world. Meaningful and sometimes unexpected careers result from cross-discipline programming, innovative course design and diverse experiential learning opportunities. 91��ɫ students and graduates push limits, achieve goals and find solutions to the world’s most pressing social challenges, empowered by a strong community that opens minds. 91��ɫ U is an internationally recognized research university – our 11 faculties and 26 research centres have partnerships with 200+ leading universities worldwide. Located in Toronto, 91��ɫ is the third largest university in Canada, with a strong community of 53,000 students, 7,000 faculty and administrative staff, and more than 295,000 alumni. 91��ɫ U's fully bilingual Glendon campus is home to Southern Ontario's Centre of Excellence for French Language and Bilingual Postsecondary Education.

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Media Contact:
Anjum Nayyar, 91��ɫ Media Relations, 416-736-2100 ext. 44543/anayyar@yorku.ca

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TORONTO, November 10, 2016 – Donald Trump angered many women with his sexist remarks in the weeks leading up to the US election and now that he has been elected as the 45th President of the United States, there is growing concern for what his presidency will mean for women and the far-reaching impact his conversations about women could have in coming months.

,  chair, Department of Humanities in the Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies is an expert in race and gender, and is available to comment on this issue with a focus on the following:

-How will Trump's actions thus far impact women's issues?
- Can his conversations about women in the media impact women/gender in the workplace?
- Could his presidency undo years of progress made and undermine efforts toward gender and equality in the workplace?
- Will Trump's view on women have a far-reaching impact on the way women are perceived?

is known for championing new ways of thinking that drive teaching and research excellence. Our students receive the education they need to create big ideas that make an impact on the world. Meaningful and sometimes unexpected careers result from cross-discipline programming, innovative course design and diverse experiential learning opportunities. 91��ɫ students and graduates push limits, achieve goals and find solutions to the world’s most pressing social challenges, empowered by a strong community that opens minds. 91��ɫ U is an internationally recognized research university – our 11 faculties and 26 research centres have partnerships with 200+ leading universities worldwide. Located in Toronto, 91��ɫ is the third largest university in Canada, with a strong community of 53,000 students, 7,000 faculty and administrative staff, and more than 295,000 alumni. 91��ɫ U's fully bilingual Glendon campus is home to Southern Ontario's Centre of Excellence for French Language and Bilingual Postsecondary Education.

Media Contact:
Anjum Nayyar, 91��ɫ Media Relations, 416-736-2100 ext. 44543/anayyar@yorku.ca

The post 91��ɫ U expert available to comment on impact of a Trump presidency on on women's issues, voices appeared first on News@91��ɫ.